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©The Author(s) 2008 Determinants of Parental Involvement in Early Schooling: Evidence from Japan Susan D. Holloway University of California, Berkeley Yoko Yamamoto Tufts University Sawako Suzuki Saint Mary's College of California Jessica D. Mindnich University of California, Berkeley Abstract This study examined how demographic and psychological factors shape the involvement of Japanese mothers in their children's education. The five demographic variables studied were family income, maternal education, family size, mothers' employment status, and sex of the child.
Three forms of parental cognition were also studied: mothers' aspirations for their children, parenting self-efficacy, and perceptions of the school. Survey data were obtained from 97 Japanese mothers with a second-grade child.
Multiple regression analyses indicated that mothers' aspirations concerning their children's occupational future were associated with monitoring homework and communicating with the teacher, as well as with financial investment in supplementary lessons. Parenting self-efficacy was negatively related to investment in supplementary lessons but positively related to engaging in cognitive stimulation at home. Mothers who perceived the school as supportive and open to communication were more likely to engage in all three forms of parental involvement. More highly educated and wealthier mothers with fewer children reported investing to a greater extent in supplementary lessons. Mothers' work status was not associated with any of the outcomes, nor was sex of the child.
Survey findings were further illuminated with excerpts from in-depth interviews. Introduction A great deal of research in the United States and other Western countries supports the notion that parental involvement generally has a positive effect on children's achievement.
Parents who are more involved with their children's schooling become knowledgeable about school goals and procedures (Hill & Taylor, 2004),communicate the importance of education to children (Lareau, 2000), help children learn strategies to enhance their perceptions of competence and control over achievement outcomes (Grolnick & Slowiaczek, 1994), and structure learning experiences that result in skill development (Keith et al., 1993). Evidence about parental involvement in non-Western societies is considerably less abundant. In the 1980s, several influential studies concluded that Japanese mothers were highly involved in their children's education and instrumental in promoting student achievement relative to mothers in the United States (e.g., Stevenson & Stigler, 1992). More recently, however, negative portraits of Japanese mothers have emerged. Some observers within Japan characterize mothers as being overly focused on academic achievement and negligent in supporting their children's social and emotional development, while others criticize them for selfishly neglecting their children's schooling and their development while gratifying their own hedonistic desire for leisure or employment (see Holloway, 2000a; Inoue & Ehara, 1995). Indeed, permissive or neglectful parenting has been cited by Japanese government officials and the media as the cause of recent problems in the schools, including bullying, absenteeism, and disruptive behavior in the classroom (Okano & Tsuchiya, 1999).
One explanation for this apparent paradox concerning the role of mothers in supporting their children's schooling is that previous work has relied on theory generated within Western societies, and thus the resulting research did not take into account culturally situated forms of parental involvement. While Japanese mothers may have been performing well according to Western criteria, their efforts may not have appeared sufficient on criteria of importance to those within Japanese society.
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Additionally, earlier work contrasted average levels of parental involvement in various countries, and few studies focused on variation within Japan in the degree to which mothers support their children's schooling. Indeed, research conducted to date has paid minimal attention to important family demographic elements such as social class, mothers' employment status, and family size. To resolve this apparent paradox, it is necessary to conduct research on forms of involvement that are expected of parents within Japan, as well as to examine variation in the degree to which parents engage in these forms of involvement.
Parental Involvement in Japan Parental involvement is typically defined as the initiation of home-based behaviors such as monitoring homework as well as school-based activities such as attending school events and communicating with teachers (Hoover-Dempsey et al., 2005). In Japan, teachers make explicit and exacting demands on parents with regard to these types of involvement (Allison, 1991; Benjamin, 1997; Holloway, 2000b; Holloway & Yamamoto, 2003; Lewis, 1995). Communication with parents is conducted through several channels, including a short home visit by the teacher at the beginning of the school year, one or more observation days in which parents are able to witness a typical school day, regularly scheduled parent-teacher conferences, and the use of a notebook that teachers and parents pass back and forth to exchange comments about student progress. In addition to becoming engaged directly with children's schoolwork, a second type of parental involvement pertains to the general degree of cognitive stimulation provided in the home setting. The role of mother has traditionally been accorded high status in Japan, and mothers are said to feel “privileged, and proud of the position they occupy” (Hendry, 1981, p. 239; see also Iwao, 1993). Many Japanese women believe that children's early development is highly malleable and are certain that the type and quality of the care they provide will conclusively determine whether or not their children will grow into healthy, productive adults (Hirao, 2001).
It is likely that many Japanese mothers are actively engaged with their children at home, but it is also important to document variation in their tendency to become engaged and to understand the predictors of engagement within this particular society. A third component of particular relevance in the context of Japan is parents' propensity to find, pay for, and monitor their children's involvement in supplementary classes ( juku). In Japan, supplemental schooling in the form of lessons and academic classes has become an increasingly common way of augmenting the public school curriculum and boosting a child's ability to be successful in the examinations that determine entrance into high school and college (Hirao, 2001). Recent national estimates suggest that 15% of Japanese second-graders and 28% of fifth-graders are enrolled in supplementary schooling (Ministry of Education, 2003). Far less scripted than parental involvement in regular schooling, the use of juku is particularly likely to vary depending on parents' resources and beliefs about their own role in supporting children's development and education. Determinants of Parental Involvement Parents' cognitions about their role have been identified as a major contributor to their willingness to engage in supportive parenting.
We focused on three forms of parental cognition: parents' aspirations concerning their children's future occupation, their self-efficacy in rearing and educating their children, and their perceptions of the school (Eccles & Harold, 1996; Hoover-Dempsey & Sandler, 1997; Okagaki & Frensch, 1998). Parental Aspirations. Parental aspirations refer to idealistic hopes or goals that parents may form regarding future attainment. Parents who hold high aspirations for their children's future are likely to be more willing to exert efforts to ensure that those aspirations are realized. Indeed, evidence from research conducted in the United States suggests that educational and occupational aspirations are associated with the ways in which parents shape children's activities, time, and learning environment (Murphey, 1992). A considerable body of literature emphasizes parental valuation of educational and professional attainment in Asian countries.
Various researchers have proposed that members of societies that endorse Confucian beliefs are likely to respect educational attainment (e.g., Li, 2002). However, there may be important differences among Asian countries in this regard. Some evidence suggests that in Japan many parents prefer that their child attain a secure but “average” lifestyle rather than aspiring to the maximum in professional advancement (Brinton & Lee, 2001). Parental aspirations for girls may be particularly low. Because Japanese women tend to have lower educational attainment than men and are significantly disadvantaged with regard to professional opportunities, parental investment in girls' education is less likely to pay off in terms of future earnings (Yu, 2001). It was thus of interest to us to examine whether parental aspirations concerning their children's future occupation would be associated with their propensity to become involved in their children's schooling.
We expected that parents who held high aspirations might be particularly likely to “go the extra mile” for their children by enrolling them in after-school activities. It seemed less likely that parents' aspirations would affect the more institutionally scripted forms of involvement required by the regular school system. We also expected that parental aspirations may be a stronger predictor of involvement when the target child was male. Parenting Self-Efficacy. The construct of self-efficacy refers to “beliefs in one's capabilities to organize and execute the courses of action required to produce given attainments ” (Bandura, 1997, p. Research conducted in a variety of countries finds that individuals with high self-efficacy in a particular area exert effort in that area, persevere in the face of difficulty, and respond resiliently to adversity (Bandura, 2002). They are less prone to self-defeating thought patterns, and they experience less stress and depression than those with lower self-efficacy.
The construct of self-efficacy is intended to be domain specific; particular experiences with respect to a given domain affect the individual's sense of confidence about acting efficaciously in that domain. The domain of parenting self-efficacy has been examined at length, and parenting self-efficacy has shown to be an extraordinarily powerful determinant of effective parenting behavior in Western societies.
Parents with high self-efficacy are generally more optimistic, authoritative, and consistent in their interactions with their children than are those with lower parenting self-efficacy (Ardelt & Eccles, 2001; Bandura, Barbaranelli, Caprara, & Pastorelli, 1996; Olioff & Aboud, 1991; Silver, Bauman, & Ireys, 1995; Williams et al., 1987). Additionally, theoretical formulations have identified parenting self-efficacy as a key determinant of parental involvement in schooling (Eccles & Harold, 1996; Hoover-Dempsey & Sandler, 1997). Empirical work suggests that parents with high self-efficacy are more likely to monitor their children's schoolwork and to participate actively at the school site (Grolnick, Benjet, Kurowski, & Apostoleris, 1997). There is strong evidence to suggest that Japanese mothers express less confidence in their parenting abilities than do mothers in other industrialized countries (Bornstein et al., 1998; Kazui, 1997). In one study of Japanese mothers, nearly half described themselves as “not very confident” or “not confident” about childrearing (Shwalb, Kawai, Shoji, & Tsunetsugu, 1995; see also Ujiie, 1997). A review of the literature revealed few empirical studies focusing on the reasons for Japanese mothers' apparent lack of parenting self-efficacy, but some observers have noted a range of possible contributing factors including modesty, lack of support from husbands, a scarcity of parenting classes and counseling opportunities, criticism by professionals, the isolation of living in modern housing complexes, and a growing tendency to live apart from the older generation (Fujita, 1989; Imamura, 1987). If the theory of self-efficacy functions in Japan as it does in Western countries, and if Japanese mothers are indeed prone to low parenting self-efficacy, then it is difficult to explain how they could be effective in supporting their children's schooling and development.
One possibility is that self-reflection and self-criticism are cultural norms in Japan, which, rather than leading to a decrement in performance as they may do in Western countries, actually form the motivational basis of renewed vigor for addressing perceived shortcomings (Heine, Takata, & Lehman, 2000). If true, this inverse relationship between parenting self-efficacy and parental involvement constitutes a significant challenge to the universality of self-efficacy theory. We tended to favor an alternative possibility, which is that while strenuous self-reflection may depress the average level of parenting self-efficacy experienced by Japanese mothers, there is nevertheless a relation between higher self-efficacy and more effective parental involvement. We further expected that parenting self-efficacy would be a more powerful predictor of involvement in activities that were less heavily structured by the school, namely, investment in supplementary schooling and cognitive stimulation.
Participation in these activities is likely to hinge more directly on mothers' own initiative and beliefs about their role. Perceptions of the School.
Parents' degree of involvement is likely to be affected by the school itself. If teachers appear to care about the welfare of the child, communicate respect for parents, and develop effective means of communicating with families, parents are more willing and able to become involved in their children's schooling (Hoover-Dempsey & Sandler, 1997). As noted earlier, some evidence suggests that Japanese schools are generally quite explicit and uniform in their techniques for eliciting parental involvement. However, whereas mothers tended to defer to teachers' authority and expertise in the past, contemporary mothers may be more likely to speak out in criticism of the teacher and to seek involvement in shaping classroom practices (“Schools grapple,” 2007). As Japanese mothers move out of their scripted role as passive recipient of advice from teachers, the actual characteristics of mothers and teachers may become a more dominant determinant of their actions. We were interested in parental perceptions about the school, particularly concerning the extent to which teachers appeared to care about individual children and the willingness of teachers to encourage communication and interaction with parents.
We expected that perceptions about the school would be a stronger determinant of parental behavior directly related to the school and homework than of actions outside the auspice of the school, including investment in supplementary schooling and general cognitive stimulation. Family Demographic Variables as Determinants of Parental Involvement Socioeconomic Status. Socioeconomic status (SES) is clearly an important factor affecting parental involvement in many countries (Hess & Holloway, 1984). Many studies conducted in the United States find that college-educated, relatively affluent parents are more involved in educational activities at the school than are lower SES parents, although some research suggests that lower SES parents engage in certain aspects of parent involvement as frequently as their middle-class counterparts (Lee & Bowen, 2006; Weiss et al., 2003). During the last decade, in contradiction to the prevailing image of Japan as a “classless” society, researchers have begun to uncover evidence of a growing achievement gap between higher and lower SES children in Japan (Kariya & Rosenbaum, 1999; Kariya, Shimizu, Shimizu, & Morota, 2002; Ono, 2001). There is some evidence that this gap may be attributable to the fact that parental aspirations are somewhat higher among higher SES parents and that they may mobilize their financial resources to pay for enrichment classes (Hamama, 1990; Iwanaga, 1990; LeTendre, 1998). We expected that wealthier mothers in our study would be more likely to invest in supplementary schooling.
We also suspected that mothers who were more highly educated might be more involved in children's activities in the school context, although not necessarily at home. We added a third construct related to resources that may function similarly to income, namely family size. Japanese people consider children to be a major expense, particularly because of the cost of supplementary schooling and of college tuition, which is typically borne entirely by the student's parents (Economic Planning Agency, 1998).
We expected that mothers with more children would be less likely to enroll them in supplementary activities than those with fewer children. Additionally, because larger families also require a greater investment of time, we expected that Japanese mothers with more children would have less time to engage in activities at the school site and would be less likely to become involved in day-to-day interactions with the child at home.
Maternal Employment Status. Most Japanese women seek employment after finishing high school or college, leave the workplace upon getting married or having their first child, and return to work when their children enter elementary school (Choe, Bumpass, & Tsuya, 2004). The number of Japanese mothers with school-age children who were employed is only slightly less than that of their peers in the United States (Choe et al., 2004). However, several factors make it particularly difficult for employed mothers in Japan to balance the roles of wife, mother, and employee. One factor is the disinclination of Japanese men to take on much responsibility for childrearing or housework (Ishii-Kuntz, Makino, Kato, & Tsuchiya, 2004). Another obstacle is a lack of affordable child care open during the hours when it is needed (Yu, 2001).
The structure of employment—particularly the expectations for putting in long hours—is another obstacle; while most Japanese mothers work part-time, part-time jobs in Japan are more demanding than in other countries and often involve substantial commute time as well (Kawashima, 1995). These factors point to the possibility that employment may reduce the amount of time and energy Japanese women have for interacting with their children and becoming involved in their schooling. Nevertheless, an alternative view is that employment may boost women's support for children's schooling by making financial resources available for lessons and materials.
Additionally, involvement in the workplace may bring opportunities to acquire skills and knowledge as well as increased self-confidence, all of which mothers can bring to bear on their interactions with their children and with school staff (Barnett & Hyde, 2001). Sex of Child. Because Japanese mothers' aspirations for their children and their willingness to support their schooling may depend on whether the child is male or female (Brinton & Lee, 2001), we included sex of child in the analysis. Summary In the 1980s, pioneering work identified mothers as key supporters of Japanese children's educational achievement but tended to identify modal national patterns rather than to examine within-country variation.
The goal of the present study was to examine how demographic and psychological factors shape the practices of individual mothers within Japan. In this study, we evaluated the strength of five demographic variables (family income, maternal education, family size, mothers' employment status, and sex of the child) and three forms of parental cognition (mothers' aspirations for their children, parenting self-efficacy, and perceptions of the school) in predicting mothers' involvement in their children's education. Methods Participants The data are part of a longitudinal study that initially focused on families with a preschool-age child and then followed the families through the child's second-grade year. We originally obtained a sample of 116 Japanese women from nine preschools ( yōchien) in two urban regions. At each school, a member of the preschool staff solicited the participation of mothers with a child in the final year of preschool. All solicited mothers elected to participate, although a few canceled because of scheduling difficulties or unforeseen emergencies.
At the time of the first survey, the age of the 116 mothers ranged from 25 to 46, with a mean of 35.57 ( SD = 3.93). Mothers' education level varied from junior high school diploma to master's degree ( M = 13.49 years, SD = 1.50). Forty percent indicated an annual household income of 5 to 7 million yen (roughly the equivalent of $40,000 to $60,000). Twenty six percent earned less than 5 million yen, and 34% earned more than 7 million yen. The mean educational background and annual household income of the sample were comparable to those of the national population at the time of data collection (Statistics Bureau, 2001). At the time of the third survey, more than half (55%) of the mothers were working for pay, with the majority of these employed part-time. Three mothers were divorced.
The average family size was 2.19 children ( SD =.68). The target child was the first born in 44% of the families, second born in 40%, third born in 14%, and fourth born in 1% of the families. All children were in second grade and were either 7 or 8 years of age. Procedure In June of 2000, participants were interviewed for 60 to 90 minutes. After the interviews, the participants completed a survey. They were mailed a second survey when their children were in the first months of first grade and a third survey near the end of second grade. Ninety eight participants (84% of the original sample) completed the third survey.
Measures used in the present analysis were drawn from the third survey, except for mother's education level and family income, which were obtained in the first survey. Attrition analyses revealed that women who responded to the third survey did not differ from the original group in terms of residential location, age, years of education, household income, number of children, or focal child's gender. Women who had older children were somewhat less likely to respond to the third survey, t(114) = 2.05, p.